1000 resultados para Fiscal Sovereignty


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The notion of sovereignty is central to any international tax issue. While a nation is free to design its tax laws as it sees fit and raise revenue in accordance with the needs of its citizens, it is not possible to undertake such a task in isolation. In a world of cross-border investments and business transactions, all tax regimes impact on one another. Tax interactions between sovereign states cannot be avoided. Ultimately, the interactions mean that a nation must decide whether to engage in both collaboration and coordination with other nations and supranational bodies alike or maintain an individualised stance in relation to its tax policy. Whatever the decision, there is arguably an exercise in national sovereignty in some form. In the context of an international tax regime, whether that regime is interpreted broadly as meaning international norms generally adopted by nations around the world or domestic regimes legislating for cross-border transactions, rhetoric around national fiscal sovereignty takes on many different forms. At one end of the spectrum it is relied upon by financial secrecy jurisdictions (tax havens) as a defence to their position on the basis that ‘other’ nations cannot interfere with the fiscal sovereignty of a jurisdiction. At the other end of the spectrum, it is argued that profit shifting and international tax avoidance if not stopped is, in and of itself, a threat to a nation’s fiscal sovereignty on the basis that it threatens the ability to tax and raise the revenue needed. This paper considers a modern conceptualisation of sovereignty along with its role within international tax coordination and collaboration to argue that a move towards a more unified approach to addressing international base erosion and profit shifting may be the ultimate exercise of national fiscal sovereignty. By using the current transfer pricing regime as a case study, this paper posits that it is not merely enough to have international agreement on allocation rules to be applied, but that the ultimate exercise of national sovereignty is political agreement with other states to ensure that it is governments which determine the allocational basis of worldwide profits to be taxed. In doing so, it is demonstrated that the arm’s length pricing requirement of the current transfer pricing regime, rather than providing governments with the ability to determine the location of profits, is providing multinational entities with the ultimate power to determine that location. If left unchecked, this will eventually erode a nation’s ability to capture the required tax revenue and, as a consequence, may be deemed a failure by nation states to exercise their fiscal sovereignty.

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The notion of sovereignty is central to any international tax issue. While a nation is free to design its tax laws as it sees fit and raise revenue in accordance with the needs of its citizens, it is not possible to undertake such a task in isolation. Tax interactions between sovereign states cannot be avoided. Ultimately, the interactions mean that a nation must decide whether or engage in both collaboration and co ordination with other nations and supranational bodies alike or maintain a unilateral stance in relation to its tax policy. This article considers a modern conceptualisation of sovereignty to argue that a move towards a more unified approach to addressing international base erosion and profit sharing may be the ultimate exercise of national fiscal sovereignty.

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Europe has responded to the crisis with strengthened budgetary and macroeconomic surveillance, the creation of the European Stability Mechanism, liquidity provisioning by resilient economies and the European Central Bank and a process towards a banking union. However, a monetary union requires some form of budget for fiscal stabilisation in case of shocks, and as a backstop to the banking union. This paper compares four quantitatively different schemes of fiscal stabilisation and proposes a new scheme based on GDP-indexed bonds. The options considered are: (i) A federal budget with unemployment and corporate taxes shifted to euro-area level; (ii) a support scheme based on deviations from potential output;(iii) an insurance scheme via which governments would issue bonds indexed to GDP, and (iv) a scheme in which access to jointly guaranteed borrowing is combined with gradual withdrawal of fiscal sovereignty. Our comparison is based on strong assumptions. We carry out a preliminary, limited simulation of how the debt-to-GDP ratio would have developed between 2008-14 under the four schemes for Greece, Ireland, Portugal, Spain and an ‘average’ country.The schemes have varying implications in each case for debt sustainability

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Without corrective measures, Greek public debt will exceed 190 percent of GDP, instead of peaking at the anyway too-high target ratio of 167 percent of GDP of the March 2012 financial assistance programme. The rise is largely due to a negative feedback loop between high public debt and the collapse in GDP, and endangers Greek membership of the euro area. But a Greek exit would have devastating impacts both inside and outside Greece. A small reduction in the interest rate on bilateral loans, the exchange of European Central Bank holdings, buy-back of privately-held debt, and frontloading of some privatisation receipts are unlikely to be sufficient. A credible resolution should involve the reduction of the official lending rate to zero until 2020, an extension of the maturity of all official lending, and indexing the notional amount of all official loans to Greek GDP. Thereby, the debt ratio would fall below 100 percent of GDP by 2020, and if the economy deteriorates further, there will not be a need for new arrangements. But if growth is better than expected, official creditors will also benefit. In exchange for such help, the fiscal sovereignty of Greece should be curtailed further. An extended privatisation plan and future budget surpluses may be used to pay back the debt relief. The Greek fiscal tragedy highlights the need for a formal debt restructuring mechanism

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Caratteristica comune ai regimi di consolidamento previsti dai diversi ordinamenti, è quella di consentire la compensazione tra utili e perdite di società residenti, e, di negare, o rendere particolarmente difficoltosa, la stessa compensazione, quando le perdite sono maturate da società non residenti. La non considerazione delle perdite comporta una tassazione al lordo del gruppo multinazionale, per mezzo della quale, non si colpisce il reddito effettivo dei soggetti che vi appartengono. L’effetto immediato è quello di disincentivare i gruppi a travalicare i confini nazionali. Ciò impedisce il funzionamento del Mercato unico, a scapito della libertà di stabilimento prevista dagli artt. 49-54 del TFUE. Le previsioni ivi contenute sono infatti dirette, oltre ad assicurare a società straniere il beneficio della disciplina dello Stato membro ospitante, a proibire altresì allo Stato di origine di ostacolare lo stabilimento in un altro Stato membro dei propri cittadini o delle società costituite conformemente alla propria legislazione. Gli Stati membri giustificano la discriminazione tra società residenti e non residenti alla luce della riserva di competenza tributaria ad essi riconosciuta dall’ordinamento europeo in materia delle imposte dirette, dunque, in base all’equilibrata ripartizione del potere impositivo. In assenza di qualsiasi riferimento normativo, va ascritto alla Corte di Giustizia il ruolo di interprete del diritto europeo. La Suprema Corte, con una serie di importanti pronunce, ha infatti sindacato la compatibilità con il diritto comunitario dei vari regimi interni che negano la compensazione transfrontaliera delle perdite. Nel verificare la compatibilità con il diritto comunitario di tali discipline, la Corte ha tentato di raggiungere un (difficile) equilibrio tra due interessi completamenti contrapposti: quello comunitario, riconducibile al rispetto della libertà di stabilimento, quello degli Stati membri, che rivendicano il diritto di esercitare il proprio potere impositivo.

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Na União Europeia a harmonização da tributação direta não tem acompanhado a harmonização da tributação indireta, sobretudo quando a análise se centra no Imposto sobre o Valor Acrescentado, o qual se encontra harmonizado. Esta situação fica a dever-se, essencialmente, à exigência da regra da unanimidade, por um lado, e ao receio dos Estados Membros da perda de soberania fiscal, por outro. No sentido de atenuar esta dicotomia, a Comissão Europeia, após a análise de diversas soluções para a tributação direta unitária das sociedades, aprovou, em 2011, uma Proposta de Diretiva relativa a uma matéria coletável comum consolidada do imposto sobre as sociedades (MCCCIS). Este modelo assenta na utilização de uma fórmula de repartição da matéria coletável, aplicada às sociedades e grupos de sociedades, que resulta da conjugação de diversos fatores: vendas, trabalho e ativos. À quota-parte da matéria coletável que cabe a cada Estado Membro, é aplicável a taxa interna (ou nacional) de imposto sobre as sociedades. Verifica-se que ainda existem algumas imprecisões e aspetos menos consensuais que necessitam de ser aperfeiçoados. Estuda-se a Proposta de Diretiva em pormenor comparativamente com normativo português, chegando-se à conclusão que, em termos substanciais, são maiores as convergências do que as divergências. Apresenta-se um exemplo prático que serve para fundamentar as tomadas de posição dos Estados Membros relativamente à adoção da MCCCIS e, recorrendo a cenários, chega-se à conclusão que os ganhos e as perdas estão diretamente relacionadas com a quota-parte da MCCCIS que corresponde a cada Estado Membro. Apesar de todas as virtudes e tendo em consideração todas as condicionantes deste regime, conclui-se que não se afigura uma realidade imediata e linear a adoção, por parte dos Estados Membros, da MCCCIS.

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Includes bibliography

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Mestrado em Contabilidade Internacional

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Fables of sovereignty / Wayne Hudson Sovereignty discourse and practice : past and future / Joseph Camilleri Guises of sovereignty / Gerry Simpson Westphalian and Islamic concepts of sovereignty in the Middle East / Amin Saikal Wither sovereignty in Southeast Asia today? / See Seng Tan Ambivalent sovereignty : China and re-imagining the Westphalian ideal / Yongjin Zhang Confronting terrorism : dilemmas of principle and practice regarding sovereignty / Brian L. Job Sovereignty in the 21st century : security, immigration, and refugees / Howard Adelman State sovereignty and international refugee protection / Robyn Lui Do no harm : towards a Hippocratic standard for international civilisation / Neil Arya Sovereignty and the global politics of the environment : beyond Westphalia? / Lorraine Elliott Westphalian sovereignty in the shadow of international justice? a fresh coat of paint for a tainted concept / Jackson Nyamuya Maogoto Development assistance and the hollow sovereignty of the weak / Roland Rich Corruption and transparency in governance and development : reinventing sovereignty for promoting good governance / C. Raj Kumar Re-envisioning economic sovereignty : developing countries and the International Monetary Fund / Ross P. Buckley Trust, legitimacy, and the sharing of sovereignty / William Maley Sovereignty as indirect rule / Barry Hindess Indigenous sovereignty / Paul Keal Civil society in a post-statist circumstance / Jan Aart Scholte.

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The responsibility to protect ('R2P') principle articulates the obligations of the international community to prevent conflict occurring, to intervene in conflicts, and to assist in rebuilding after conflicts. The doctrine is about protecting civilians in armed conflicts from four mass atrocity crimes: genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing. This book examines interventions in East Timor, Sri Lanka, Sudan and Kosovo. The chapters explore and question UN debates with respect to the doctrine both before and after its adoption in 2005; contrasting state attitudes to international military intervention; and what takes place after intervention. It also discusses the ability of the Security Council to access reliable information and credible and transparent processes to enable it to make a determination on the occurrence of atrocities in a Member State. Questioning whether there is a need to find a closer operational link between the responsibilities to prevent and react and a normative link between R2P and principles of international law, the contributions examine the effectiveness of the framework of R2P for international decision-making in response to mass atrocity crimes and ask how an international system to deal with threats and mass atrocities can be developed in the absence of a central authority. This book will be valuable to those interested in international law, human rights, and security, peace and conflict studies